Text Box: transport and sell; and
Presence of facilitators (such as firearms, alcohol and drugs).
The above analysis suggests that these “factors” are structurally related to the global free market  (i.e., capitalism) and yet no one at the conference  was talking about this issue.   Neo-Marxist critiques suggest that it is over-reliance on the private distribution of property and  free enterprise that lead to underdevelopment on the world periphery (Amin, 1998;  Baran, 1957;  Wilson and Whitmore,  2000).   This, in turn, is structurally related to many of the factors listed above by the United Nations.   
	Permit me to illustrate with a more detailed example from the U.N.’s own studies.  The trafficking in women is largely influenced by the stark differences in per capita incomes between the destination and origin countries.   This suggests that a major portion of the variation in trafficking may be inaccessible to traditional enforcement because the cause – global inequality – cannot be addressed as simply a “policing” issue.    
	In one  study (U.N. Congress, 2000), the International Organization for Migration  interviewed 100 Philippine women who had been trafficked to Japan, largely to service the sex industry.    The vast majority, 71 percent, gave their family’s precarious financial situation as the reason for illegally migrating to  Japan.    The average age of the women was 19.   Most of the women had their passports confiscated by their Japanese employers and lived in residences provided by these employers. 
	Perhaps the issue is partly corroborated by the position of the United States of America,  who wishes to see such congresses abolished in the near future (Mueller and Vetere, 2000).   The ostensible rationale from these state department types is that the U.N. Congresses are costly and ineffective.  The “latent” rationale is that the U.S. comes off rather badly in these affairs.  On criminal justice, the U.S. looks a bit like Attila the Hun, invoking the John Wayne school of criminal justice: just roll out the tanks!   It is common knowledge among the liberal hierarchy which runs the congresses that the number of persons incarcerated in the United States has increased nearly six times since 1970, and that one out of every nine Black males, aged 20-34, is currently in prison or jail (Sentencing Project, 2000).   And when the U.S. even speaks about crime prevention it is to lament that they have no national crime prevention policy, preferring to spend their money on more police and prisons!   Besides, the issue is a local matter – not a question of political economy  (Reiman, 1998;  Lynch and Groves, 1989;  Barak, 1991;  Quinney, 1980;  Schwendinger and Schwendinger, 1970).   
	In fairness,  these international congresses have a seductive flavor.  I was surprised to see many of my progressive colleagues at this affair, at least among the individual expert observers.   Second, these congresses have been important forums against torture and other inhuman treatment of prisoners, including capital punishment.   Indeed, the Congress’ Minimum Rules for the Treatment of Prisoners and its Declaration for the Protection of Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power have become powerful organizing tools throughout the world.   Would I return in five years?   Of course,  but next  time I will be better prepared and urge my colleagues to hold a workshop which talks about the link Text Box: between globalization and crime.   

REFERENCES
Amin,  Samir  (1998)  Spectres of Capitalism:  A Critique of Current Intellectual Fashions  (New York:  Monthly Review Press).
Barak, Gregg  (1991)  Crimes by the Capitalist State:  An Introduction to State Criminality   (Albany, New York:  SUNY Press).  
Baran, Paul  (1957)  The Political Economy of Growth   (New York:  Monthly Review Press).  
Lynch, Michael  and W. Byron Groves  (1989)  A Primer in Radical Criminology   (New York:  Harrow & Heston).  
Mueller, G.O.W. and Eduardo Vetere (2000)  “The UN’s Global Gatherings on Crime Prevention and Criminal Justice:  Some Basic Maxims”   HEUNI Newsletter  (European Institute for Crime Prevention and Control)  January.   
Platt, Anthony M. (1971)  The Politics of Riot Commissions   (New York:  Collier Books).  
Quinney,  Richard  (1980)  Class, State and Crime   (New York:  Longman).  
Reiman,  Jeffrey  (1998)   The Rich Get Richer, and the Poor Get Prison   (Boston:  Allyn and Bacon,  5th edition).  
Schwendinger, Herman  and Julia Schwendinger  (1970)  “Defenders of Order or Guardians of Human Rights?”  Issues in Criminology  5:  123-157.
Sentencing Project (Washington, D.C.).  Correspondence dated May 2000.  
U.N. Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders,  (1999a)  “The State of Crime and Criminal Justice Worldwide”  Publication A/CONF.187/5,  dated 15 December 1999.  
U.N. Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders, (1999b)  “Community Involvement in Crime Prevention”  Publication A/CONF.187/11,  dated 17 December 1999.  
U.N. Congress on the Prevention of Crime and Treatment of Offenders (2000) “Human Smuggling and Trafficking: A Desk Review on the Trafficking in Women from the Philippines”  (A/Conf.187/CRP.4), dated 7 April 2000.
Wilson, Maureen G. and Elizabeth Whitmore  (2000)  Seeds of Fire:  Social Development in an Era of Globalism   (Halifax:  Fernwood Publishing.).  

Text Box: It was never clear whether our presence at this Congress was simply designed to add some legitimacy to what had already been decided months earlier in closed-door meetings